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Janvi Singhi

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Topic – Post-Cold War Politics (Notes)

Subject – Political Science

(International Relations)

Table of Contents

International System in Post-cold war era

  • The Cold War was a defining chapter in world history, and by the early 1990s, it had become widely accepted that the Cold War had ended. As General Colin Powell observed, “We have seen our implacable enemy of 40 years vaporize before our eyes.”
  • Although President George H. W. Bush famously declared “We have won,” this symbolic victory for the United States was accompanied by a fundamental transformation in the structure and patterns of international relations.
  • The end of the Cold War witnessed the dismantling of the Soviet bloc in Eastern Europe, the collapse of communism across the region, the disintegration of the Soviet Union, and the reunification of Germany, all of which redrew the political map of Europe.
  • With the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the WARSAW Pact also fell apart. Unlike the Soviet-led alliance, US-led alliances continued, especially NATO, whose renewed activism was reflected in events such as the bombing of Kosovo and its role during the 2008 Georgia–Russia conflict.
  • The post-Cold War global order came to be described alternately as unipolar, dominated by the sole superpower— the United States, or as multipolar, with a balance of power distributed among the United States, Europe, Japan, China, and the former Soviet Union.
  • Although the centrality of military power seemed to decline, it nonetheless remained a crucial instrument for major states.
  • This was evident in the Gulf War following Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, where the US-led coalition acted under UN authorization. It was further demonstrated in the War on Terror, with US interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq after 9/11, revealing that military force continues to be a dominant tool for powerful states.
  • In such instances, the United Nations was often sidelined, while powerful states justified unilateral action under the doctrine of pre-emptive self-defence.
  • The UN’s role in the new era often appeared compromised, as it seemed to be influenced or “hijacked” by the United States, used as a mechanism to serve Western strategic interests rather than champion global justice or promote the long-envisioned New International Economic Order. Consequently, the divide between the global North and South persisted without meaningful transformation.
  • For the Third World, the post-Cold War era brought little relief. Although Cold War dynamics had shaped much of US foreign policy earlier, the collapse of the Soviet Union did not diminish American or Western influence in the developing world. Instead, older patterns of intervention and domination continued under new forms.
  • The Middle East, in particular, remained a vital interest zone for the United States. The 1990 National Security Strategy clearly stated that many threats to American interests in the Third World—especially the Middle East—could no longer be attributed to the Soviet Union, thus reinforcing the need for continued vigilance and intervention.
  • Domination of the global South increasingly relied on economic mechanisms rather than direct military force.
  • The IMF, World Bank, and WTO—often referred to as the Triad—expanded their influence through structural adjustment programs, imposing economic conditions that deepened dependency and neo-colonial patterns of control.
  • At the same time, multinational corporations (MNCs) penetrated developing economies, reducing state authority to mere policing functions, while corporations gained access to resources, decision-making structures, technology, and investment flows. As a result, the dependency syndrome persisted, and neo-colonialism assumed new economic forms.
  • In this shifting environment, the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) faced questions about its relevance, since it had emerged in the context of superpower rivalry.
  • However, NAM countries continued using the forum to pursue significant goals such as independent foreign policy, sustainable development, environmental protection, economic equity, UN democratization, international peace, disarmament, and human rights. Thus, NAM sought to redefine itself rather than disappear.
  • The post-Cold War world also saw a surge in regional integration, exemplified by organizations such as the European Union, SAARC, ASEAN, OPEC, NAFTA, APEC, OAS, and the African Union. These regional blocs became important actors in global governance, economic cooperation, and political coordination.
  • At the same time, ethnic conflicts and identity-based movements proliferated across regions including former Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, Angola, Cyprus, Somalia, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Burundi, Russia, and Georgia.
  • In addition, the rise of fundamentalist forces, often crossing national borders, contributed to new forms of international terrorism, posing serious challenges to global peace and security.
  • Finally, despite expectations that the end of the Cold War would reduce global militarization, the world witnessed continued arms build-up, widespread proliferation of nuclear weapons, and the growing threat posed by weapons of mass destruction (WMDs).
  • These dangers intensified due to the possibility that such weapons could fall into the hands of terrorist organizations, especially in failed states with weak governance and inadequate control over nuclear facilities.
  • Thus, the post-Cold War era, far from ushering in an era of complete peace or equality, revealed new tensions, structural inequalities, and emerging security threats, while simultaneously reshaping the global order in complex and multifaceted ways.

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